Timing | Action |
Maize | fuàgà rite |
ripening |
Sorghum | Kati at Njerep followed by Tadup dance by youths the |
ripening | following day |
2 Bàm's | Feli for chief and Marenjo |
before new moon |
1 Bàm | Feli for children |
before new moon |
Day before | Yuop |
Bàm - Manòg |
Bàm | Main Nggwun rites (see below) |
Cuar | Dance in market and repeat drinking in line |
Sep | Final rites: Marenjo and chief, |
closing rites at River Dikwa Tadup/Njung dance by youths |
Zeitlyn | Nggwun Described |
Main Nggwun rites - sequence |
Put on the vines (inside song) - treated
with plantain Drink palm wine Outside song but within its fence eat Luaga (termites/yulu) Chief says oath all sprayed with palm wine Procession out from song to square Circle 3 times then discard the elephant grass stalk to the west Circle and dance Drink 2 gourds of beer Dance! |
2 |
Zeitlyn | Nggwun Described |
Timing of ngggwun |
The timing of ngggwun was juggled so as to avoid
clashing with Ramadan. Early in December little was clear but once Kati had been danced the chief and the ritual chiefs started 1A similar rite called fà (homonym with two) is perfomred for old people with maize as it ripens. |
3 |
Zeitlyn | Nggwun Described |
4 |
Zeitlyn | Nggwun Described |
ensure that passions do not become overheated. On
one occasion they intervened early in the proceedings, stopping the dance, shouting urgently that it was just a game (vogo). Two lines of men face each other crouching behind their shields. First one and then the other side will despatch a party to attack the other line. Two or three men will leave their line and dance across towards their opponents. They dance forwards hopping on the right foot so the left foot can be waved in the air, with the shield on the left arm above it. Facing the shield wall they trey to get either above or below the shields, feinting one way and attacking the other. Cheers, jeers and whoops greet the successful toppling of someoneís hat. Once everyone in one line has had a go the opposing line retaliates in a similar fashion. Finally each group advances as a line. The most spectacular and occurrences of this are early in the Nggwun rites when the parties from the outlying hamlets first arrive in the village centre. In turn the men from Gumbe then Njerup attack and are repulsed by the warriors of the village centre. During the Nggwun rites the same dance is performed outside the houses of the Marenjo and the ritual chiefs in order to salute and praise them. In these cases the whole group will stop the war dance by raising their swords in the air and singing ìcooooooî. They then start to dance Nggwun proper. The more formal co dance performed in the palace square differs in the numbers of people concerned and that once both lines have advanced in line the youths from the village centre who are defending the palace cede passage and make a tactical withdrawal to the inner courtyard, hotly pursued by the attackers. Inside the inner court the chief sits in state. On the first occasion that I saw Nggwun no one defended him, the attackers rushed up and saluted him. A single, unarmed man (one of the chiefs messengers) held out his arms to stop them touching the chief. Four years later the co dance was repeated in the inner courtyard. Finally they broke into song and dance Nggwun whereupon beer was produced. As the men perform the war dance they are flanked on either side and mocked by women who imitate them using drying baskets (cungta) or knotted palm fronds as shields. They mainly fight one another but occasionally they will try and knock the hat off one of the men in the shield wall. |
5 |
Zeitlyn | Nggwun Described |
6 |
Zeitlyn | Nggwun Described |
7 |
Zeitlyn | Nggwun Described |
8 |
Zeitlyn | Nggwun Described |
Ritual name | holder |
Njok | Gangfi Daniel |
Ndibi | Nggom David |
Nyengwa | Magami |
9 |
Zeitlyn | Nggwun Described |
Ritual Title (name) | Hamlet | Qualifications3 |
Feniaga (Spakeh) | Centre | d of Chief Menandi |
Fowani (Korobon) | Centre | d of Chief Kolaka |
Wuwiya (Korobon- holds two titles) |
Foachen (Loveh) | Centre | sd of Chief Menandi |
Fongome (Ni) | Gumbe | d of Botuin kin of Njaibi of |
Gumbe |
Mbogom/Mbok | Njerup | d of head of Njerup |
(Njieh) |
Nyabèr - | VACANT |
11 |
Zeitlyn | Nggwun Described |
12 |
Zeitlyn | Nggwun Described |
13 |
Zeitlyn | Nggwun Described |
Muddling through - thoughts on Yuob 2/1/1997 |
Loveh did not turn up as she should have done for
the Yuob rites. I managed to not record any of the discussions about this! The wait until she had was sufficiently late for someone to go and find out, and then the wait for him (Amidu) to return delayed Yuob until dusk - one possible explanation may be a conspiracy to frustrated attempts to video the rituals (Feli was similarly late) - I'm confident that this is not the explanation but hard put to account for my confidence. I suppose mainly that when they donít want me to see things they say so (as occurred the next day)! |
The Bò Kuku bò (lit:.
the big people) are the Notables of the village. They
are elders, but not all the old men of the village are classed as such. When I asked ìwho are the Notables?î there was a high degree of consistency in the lists that I was given. I repeated Rehfischís ìopinion pollî conducted during his fieldwork among Nigerian Mambilla (Warwar 1953) (Rehfisch 1972:159)5 to assess the degree of unanimity of opinion in an acephalous society. |
5Although the
distribution of percentages resembles that obtained by
Rehfisch, in Somié 75% of the sample named the same two people first, whereas Rehfisch has 100% unanimity for the first two positions in his poll. These differences probably reflect the fact that he was working in one small hamlet whereas I was |
14 |
Zeitlyn | Nggwun Described |
The Bò Kuku bò are recruited
by a combination of age, peer and self-selection.
To be recognized as belonging to this group involves the investment of a considerable amount of time; a Notable must frequently abandon his own work in the fields, even at the busiest times of the year, to discuss a pressing case. Some men are not prepared to do this. Apart from a small amount of beer there is no financial reward for being recognized as a Notable. Conversely, wealth is not an important factor in the recruitment of Notables. |
15 |
Zeitlyn | Nggwun Described |
an important part of the background to the
performance, and one whose political importance must not be overlooked. If the sous-prefet is persuaded that the population of Somié is conscientious and active, then who knows what aid may arrive. The chief, and some others, must be conscious that one day a new Mambila sous-prefecture will be created and this will be the focus of strong competition between the three villages. The role that public manifestations of civic activity - such as the communal dancing, and the respect visibly given to the chief can only be a matter of speculation. But as has just been said, some of the most active participants in the rite share these speculations, so they form a genuine part of the rite. By contrast, in Atta and Sonkolong the chiefs are not so active in regional politics (in 1996 the chief of Sonkolong was old and had been unwell; the chief of Atta who had been appointed in 1993 had not fully relinquished his former life as a teacher in Magba and seemed unwilling to fully embrace the role of traditional chief). But the other villages perform their own rituals at which the boot is on the other foot - in Atta for instance mbe saa is performed, and this serves as a focus for Atta village identity. What visitors see is the orchestrated 'war dance', the enthusiastic dancing which follows (and which continues until dawn) and the prostration of the village population before the chief as he dances. Senior visitors who are invited to watched the proceedings from the veranda of the public building of the chief's palace also experience the munificence of the chief's (and hence the village's) entertainment: they are fed with chicken and with fish, and they are given bottled beer and whisky to drink. |
16 |
Zeitlyn | Nggwun Described |
18 |