Colonialism to Nationalism: The Articulation of
Dominance
In 1884, Cameroon
became a German protectorate. Aided by the Bamum, the Germans
finally brought Nso' under military control in 1906 after a
two-month punitive expedition. In 1915, upon defeating German
forces in the area, the British took over the colonial
administration of western Cameroon. Both Germany and Britain
followed a policy of Indirect Rule (see Ben Jua's paper in this
volume). The colonial administration in many ways supported the
political authority of the Fon Nso' and by being blind to the
political roles played by women reinforced male power. This was
the case until the very end of their stay when a few statutory
women were given a place in customary courts.
Boys, but not girls, were educated in the colonial classrooms
to assume roles first in colonial, and later in national
political institutions. Wage labour and cash crops were male
activities. The introduction of coffee in the 1940s gave men a
source of income. Men took responsibility for the purchase of
the few goods which required cash. Women remained responsible
for provisioning the household with food; they did not begin
trading substantially in the market. Women's farming became
somewhat analogous to housework in the West: necessary, but
largely invisible, as a social good.
After the Second World War, Cameroonian nationalist movements
emerged throughout the Grassfields. In Nso' the Fon remained
the legitimate ruler. He and not the new elites controlled the
popular vote for national and local office. Nobody was more
aware of this and of the interdependence it created between
them and the Fon than the new Nso' elites. While their national
identities were constructed in the colonial classrooms, their
individual identities were equally constructed as Lamnso'
speakers, as citizens of Nso' - with all this entailed. They
did not give up their primary identity with Nso'. In the 1960s,
upon independence, the Fon of Nso', aware of the need to keep
the new elite loyal to local political institutions, opened up
access to titles through outright purchase. Adroit manipulation
of the title system enabled new elite men to graft new
relations of domination onto the existing hierarchy.
A significant means of accumulation today, then, is a local
power base that secures access to the State (Kofele-Kale 1987),
to wages and salaries and to national and international
development networks. A direct link to the national bureaucracy
facilitates returns on investments such as houses rented out to
civil servants. Access to national land grants in turn provides
surety on loans and the means for speculation. Investment in
local networks requires a significant amount of investment in
symbolic capital. Hence the ongoing importance of the title
system and hegemony of male title holders. With the
intensification of the marketplace and the growth of a national
bureaucracy and the State, male power has been further
entrenched.
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